Narcocorridos: To the Glory of the Mexican Drug Cartels

 To a growing number Mexicans and Americans, narco traffickers have become iconic outlaws, a new  pathway out of poverty, and one step closer to the "American Dream".

Narcocorridos are popular on both sides of the border, with popular music videos, sold-out concerts and CDs sold at Wal-Mart. "We're bloodthirsty, crazy, and we like to kill," they sing. Modern day Robin Hoods? Hardly, but that's how many teens and young adults see them.

“I urge people to reconsider this idea that the cartels and the government are two distinct entities. On the contrary, it’s impossible for an organized crime organization — especially one that’s transnational — to function without employees inside the state at all levels." -- John Gibler, author of To Die in Mexico: Dispatches from Inside the Drug War

From the documentary Narco Cultura

“For Mexicans and Latinos in the Americas, there is no music more popular today than narcocorridos. These bloodthirsty and explicit odes to the exploits of narco traffickers and drug lords of Mexico openly glorify violence, narcotics and money. Like gangsta rap in the nineties, “Narco” is a movement threatening to burst into the mainstream.

Featuring powerful footage from the front lines of the drug wars and performances from some of the hottest Narcocorrido artists (including El Komander and Buknas de Culiacan) NARCO CULTURA takes viewers behind the scenes of the most explosive and violent music subculture in America.

It's hard to imagine the way it must feel to live in absolute fear in an increasingly poor and violent neighborhood, yet, at the same time, be able to see, literally, right over the fence--supposedly the safest city in America, El Paso, Texas--what appears to be a safe haven. 

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War on Drugs and The Prison Industrial Complex

“Prohibition will work great injury to the cause of temperance. It is a species of intemperance within itself, for it goes beyond the bounds of reason in that it attempts to control a man's appetite by legislation, and makes a crime out of things that are not crimes. A Prohibition law strikes a blow at the very principles upon which our government was founded."--Abraham Lincoln, U.S. President. 18 Dec. 1840

CCA houses over 80,000 inmates in
more than 60 facilities across the US.

In 1971, President Nixon declared an all out "War on Drugs" under the guise of benefiting the population by halting the trafficking in drugs in the United States, when, in fact, the motivations for starting this "war" were rooted in racism, greed, "empire building", and maintaining/gaining power and control. The proof is its success in meeting its true goals.  Because 42 years later, well over one million  non-violent offenders are incarcerated and   3,278 non-violent offenders are serving life without parole, not to mention, there are more drugs circulating than ever before. How is that proof?  Well, follow the money...and the drugs, legal and illegal.

The only people experiencing consequences from this "war" are the poor, not the ones who profit/benefit most from the drug trade: the banksters who launder the money and profit immensely!

Then  President Reagan’s Anti-Drug Abuse Act of 1986  fueled the prison boom, bringing in a lot more profit because it allowed privately owned corporations to build and operate prisons.  Today, it's a $50 billion industry, with prison quotas that push lawmakers to fill 90% of the beds! Not only that, the criminalization of Americans is profitable to these corporations because they equip them with essentially free labor...slave labor.

Corrections Corporation of America (CCA) and GEO Group [previously Wackenhut], the two largest private prison companies in this country, push for criminal justice legislation, including mandatory minimum sentences such as California’s three-strikes law “that increase the number of inmates who enter and stay in prison.” ITPI reported that CCA and GEO Group have also contributed to legislation like "Arizona Senate Bill 1070, requiring law enforcement to arrest anyone who cannot prove they entered the country legally when asked.”

Tulia Texas is a prime example. Undercover narcotics officer, Tom Coleman arrested 46 people - nearly all of them black - on charges of being cocaine dealers, sending many of them to prison for a total of 750 years. as part of a $500 million effort to fight the war on drugs in rural America

As the following documentary points out, one of the main achievments of the "War on Drugs" is "profiting from the felonization of sick people.



Links:

Prison Industry Enhancement Certification Program

The Hidden History of ALEC and Prison Labor

School to Prison Pipeline

Ill-Gotten Gains, The Rockefeller War on Drugs

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House of Death Lawsuit Exposes "War on Drugs"

“Mr. Peyro put his life on the line for the United States of America time after time. He is directly responsible for approximately 50 criminal convictions of upper echelon cartel members, as well as the removal of huge quantities of drugs from the streets of this country….

There is no question that Americans are some of the most naive people on the planet. In fact, even non-Americans are naive when it comes to the subject of the USA. A little naiveté is a good thing because without it no-one would attempt anything, but too much, and you're a sitting duck.

 Perhaps, I'm a bit too naive because I truly believe that most of us do the best we can, given our circumstances, but holding onto the credulous expectation of people doing right, especially of those in power--anywhere in the world, including America--can be very dangerous to one's health. Those in positions of influence have been, according to their own definition, "successful" within the system, so, of course, have an interest in maintaining the status quo at all costs. We give these people decision-making abilities who are growing increasingly remote, as local council power is removed to national government and even to international government.

But when I inform others of what's really going on behind the scenes, of the profit-before-people motivation of our decision/policy-makers, I'm often told that even if what I'm saying is true, there is nothing you or I can do to solve this problem that's plagued mankind for centuries, because the powers that want to continue have all of the wealth and power at their fingertips while the rest of us are just barely getting by. To a point, I agree. However, no-one can convince me that ignorance is bliss as it makes us vulnerable should we be unlucky enough to get caught up in the system. Many veterans can testify to the dangers of ignorance and/or naive and senseless hope based on the unawareness of the fact that all war--including the "war on drugs"--is merely a pursuit to preserve power and wealth, a redistribution schemes to finance the lifestyles of the elites. In other words, blind trust, and/or willful nescience only makes you part of the problem at the very least, and at most, can put you at great risk as you will see from the example below.

Many--unfortunately, not even close to most-- of us are aware of what happens to the enlisted. After putting their lives on the line, for what they're told is our freedom, they suffer grave consequences. If our troops are lucky enough to make it home, they confront another battle: the tangled bureaucratic web of chaos while at the same time, trying to find work in an unstable economy that is very leery of hiring veterans. All of it, to line the already lined pockets of ruling class. Then there are the "veterans" of the equally fraudulent "war on drugs." Not a pretty picture for anyone who gets caught up in it.

Take former ICE informant,  Guillermo Eduardo Ramirez Peyro, employed as a "Mexican federal cop who worked for a top lieutenant (Humberto Santillan Tabares) of the Vicente Carrillo Fuentes drug organization in Ciudad Juarez, Mexico, in the early to mid-2000s" who is suing US prosecutors and federal agents as well as several county sheriffs and detention-facility officials (include past and present employees of US Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE), the Department of Homeland Security (DHS), the US Marshals Service and various county sheriffs in Texas and Minnesota and some of the most powerful US prosecutors in Texas) for conspiring to silence him in an effort to cover up their role in the "House of Death" murders in Ciudad Juarez Mexico. Yes, this man trusted the U.S. government enough to risk his life several times over, and for his loyalty and effort, was severely punished.  The lawsuit is sealed but Narco News was able to obtain pleadings from the case.

“In affidavits linked here and here,filed in prior litigation related to the House of Death murders, Fielden and former ICE Special Agent in Charge Giovanni Gaudioso, (also named as a defendant in the current case) each contend they did nothing improper in the handling of Ramirez Peyro as an informant and also stress that they had no prior knowledge of any of the murders carried out at the House of Death in Juarez.

Ramirez Peyro oversaw--assuring the house was opened whenever Santillan wanted a murder carried out, as well as being responsible for overseeing the burial of the bodies--the infamous House of Death, the site of multiple gruesome torture/murders. Between August 2003 and January 2004, Peyro "informed his US government handlers about subsequent murders at the House of Death, often in advance of them taking place."

“Both ICE and the US Department of Justice had knowledge of these executions, both through the tapped cell phones and the information provided by [Ramirez Peyro],” the lawsuit alleges. “After each such execution, [Ramirez Peyro] and Raul Benecomo asked for the operation to be terminated and for arrests to be made. However [Ramirez Peyro] was instructed to continue his undercover work.”

In 2004, after the House of Death was exposed, Peyro was put in protective custody. and then placed in an isolation unit at a detention facility in Texas “under the guise of a material witness” for the pending Santillan trial that never took place due to the US Attorney cutting a deal with VCF cell-leader Santillan. But Peyro was not released. Instead, US prosecutors and agents kept him in prison "under threat of deporting his wife and children — who had been given temporary visas to stay in the US and who would have faced certain death at the hands of VCF operatives if sent back to Mexico."

“In May 2005, after Sutton’s plea deal with Santillan was inked, the US government initiated deportation proceedings against Ramirez Peyro — who also faced the prospect of certain torture and murder by VCF assassins upon his return to Mexico.

So for risking his life and helping the U.S. government,  Peyro was severely punished instead of rewarded,  spending six years in prison, mostly in isolation.  Why?  In an effort to cover up the complicity of the government in the House of Death murders.

From Ramirez Peyro’s legal pleadings:

“ … Sutton, Gaudioso, Fielden, Leachman, Durbin [and other defendants] entered into a conspiracy to cover up the fact that they not only knew about the murders [at the House of Death in Juarez], but were listening in on devices provided to [Ramirez Peyro] by Defendants for that purpose, and to cover up the fact that they had instructed [Ramirez Peyro] to continue his work with full knowledge that he had been assigned to maintain the "House of Death" where executions on behalf of the Juarez Cartel [the VCF] were occurring.

…Fielden, Sutton, Gaudioso, Leachman and Durbin decided that if [Ramirez Peyro] was allowed to testify truthfully at the Santillan trial, that they would be implicated in the murders and that ICE … had knowledge, both before and after the fact, that individuals were being executed and buried by the Juarez Cartel at the "House of Death."

… Sutton, Gaudioso, Fielden, Leachman and Durbin hatched a conspiracy to cover up the House of Death murders.

… Sutton, Gaudioso, Fielden, Leachman and Durbin conspired to enter [into] a plea deal with Santillan so his matter did not go to trial.

During the five years after the Santillan plea deal, Ramirez Peyro was kept imprisoned by US officials while facing deportation proceedings. Ultimately, Ramirez Peyro prevailed, and was released from prison in April 2010 after securing a temporary deferral of removal under United Nations Convention Against Torture (CAT) due to the credible threat to his life should he be deported to Mexico.

[Ramirez Peyro] was moved from one county detention facility to another, including Wilson County Jail in Floresville, Texas; Midland County Central Detention Center in Midland, Texas; Washington County Jail in Stillwater, Minnesota; and Sherburne County Jail in Elk River, Minnesota [and ultimately the Buffalo Federal Detention Facility in New York], and each of which he was sequestered in SHUs [Special Housing Units].

[Ramirez Peyro] … at each of the county detention facilities, was held in total isolation from other prisoners, deprived of his family, friends, and the outside world under conditions far more stringent than necessary.

… Said conditions did not affect any legitimate purpose of ensuring his testimony or protecting [Ramirez Peyro] from potential assassins or serve any other legitimate purpose.

… During the period [Ramirez Peyro] was confined in said county facilities, he had no access to a phone, no access to television or newspapers, was deprived of access to soap and other elementary means of sanitation, was housed in a tiny cell sometimes up to 23 hours a day, with a floor contaminated by feces and urine, and his hands and ankles were chained and shackled to his waist any time he was outside his cell.

… Each time that [Ramirez Peyro], who had no charges, criminal or otherwise, filed or pending against him, was transferred from one facility to another, his feet were shackled together, his hands were shackled to his waist, he was accompanied by at least 10 federal agents, was moved in the middle of the night, with lights and sirens on the vehicle he was transported in, and with escort vehicles closing traffic. If he traveled by airplane, it was on a private plane owned by the US government.

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Why Does 83-Year Old Peace-Activist Nun Face 30 Years When So Many Violent Criminals Walk Free?

Today, the majority of police resources are dedicated to arresting people for nonviolent crimes like marijuana possession, non-violent protest, and "crimes" that present no danger to others, while violent criminals, and elitist criminals above the law, walk free.   81% of all drug arrests are for simple drug possession!

Take Sister Megan Rice, 83, and two elderly peace activists, who staged a non-violent protest, symbolically disarming Oak Ridge.  

“An octogenarian Roman Catholic nun, jailed for breaking into a nuclear weapons facility in Tennessee, is facing up to 30 years in prison after losing her plea for the most serious charge to be dropped.

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Mexico's Disappeared: The Enduring Cost of a Crisis Ignored

According to Mexico's government, from 2006-2012, 26,121 people disappeared in Mexico, with the missing including police officers, bricklayers, housewives, lawyers, students, businessmen and more than 1,200 children under age 11. Not only are authorities failing to investigate the missing, they are often directly involved in the disappearances, so families continue to suffer the anguish of not knowing what happened to a loved one.

“Human Rights Watch has documented nearly 250 such “disappearances” that have occurred since 2007. In more than 140 of these cases, evidence suggests that these were enforced disappearances—meaning that state agents participated directly in the crime, or indirectly through support or acquiescence. These crimes were committed by members of every security force involved in public security operations, sometimes acting in conjunction with organized crime. In the remaining cases, we were not able to determine based on available evidence whether state actors participated in the crime, though they may have.

In nearly all of these cases, authorities failed to promptly and thoroughly search for the victims or investigate the cases. Prosecutors rarely carried out basic investigative steps crucial to finding missing persons, too often opting instead to blame the victims and, reflecting the low priority they place on solving such crimes, telling families to conduct the searches on their own. When prosecutors did investigate, their efforts were undermined by
delays, errors, and omissions. Searches and investigations were further hindered by structural problems such as overly narrow laws and the lack of critical tools like a national database of the disappeared.

The inept or altogether absent efforts of authorities to find people who are taken add to the suffering of victims’ families, for whom not knowing what happened to their loved ones is a source of perpetual anguish. Many relatives put aside everything else in their lives to search for the missing, a quest they feel they cannot abandon until they learn the truth. Making matters worse, victims’ families may lose access to basic social services and
benefits—such as healthcare and childcare—tied to the victim’s employment, forcing them to fight costly and emotionally-draining battles to restore the benefits.

The Mexican people are truly at the mercy of these cartels and their government.

Searching for Mexico's Disappeared:

COAHUILA STATE, Mexico — The federal government says 26,000 people have been reported missing across Mexico since 2006, and yet just two states have a local prosecutor's office dedicated to the investigation of such cases.

Even there, those who have disappeared are rarely found. Some have been caught up in the drug trade; others forcibly recruited to work for the gangs. Cases of mistaken identity are also common, and some are just in the wrong place at the wrong time. Across the country, very few cases are properly investigated, and reports of the involvement of authorities are frequent.

Mexico's Disappeared: The Enduring Cost of a Crisis Ignored.

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Narcoland: How Massive Profits Are Being Made Out of Mexico's Bloody Drug War

Anabel Hernández's new book Narcoland: The Mexican Drug Lords and Their Godfathers exposes how politicians and businessmen in the U.S. and Mexico are raking it in by backing illegal plantations and traffickers.

The following is an excerpt from Anabel Hernández's new book Narcoland: The Mexican Drug Lords and Their Godfathers

“My introduction to the life of Joaquín Guzmán Loera began at 6:30 in the morning of June 11, 2005. That is when I boarded a bus that would take me and photographer Ernesto Ramírez to Guadalupe y Calvo, a small, storm-prone municipality in the northern Mexican state of Chihuahua, deep in the “golden triangle” spanned by the towering Sierra Madre Occidental. It was the start of a five day voyage to the land of drug kingpins: Ismael El Mayo Zambada, Eduardo Quintero Payán, Ernesto Fonseca Carrillo, Rafael Caro Quintero, Juan José Esparragoza Moreno, a.k.a. El Azul—and Joaquín El Chapo (Shorty) Guzmán, the man Forbes magazine has called “the biggest drug lord of all time” (and in their latest ranking, the fifty-fifth most powerful person in the world). I still have the notebook in which I recorded the journey. It was one that was to change forever my view of the drug trade, which is today the backbone of organized crime in Mexico.

Most of the road to Guadalupe y Calvo runs through a dreamlike landscape of serried pinewoods. The sky was that intense blue you can sense in a black-and-white photograph by Manuel Álvarez Bravo. At 10:50 in the morning we arrived at the town of Rio Verde, where they hang meat on the line like washed socks. Unfortunately it’s no longer just beef, but also the bodies of victims from the “war on drugs.”

The winding road began to climb as steeply as a big dipper. The driver was an old hand. He threw the bus round the bends entrusting our fates to Pope John Paul II, the Virgin of Guadalupe, and St. Juan Diego, whose pictures were stuck on the windscreen. At one stop a newspaper vendor called Federico Chávez got on. The youngster exchanged greetings with almost all of the passengers; we were the only outsiders. Before we left Mexico City, Iván Noé Licón, a Chihuahua education official, had warned me on the phone to be discreet about our identity. “People are cagey with strangers, because they think they’re police,” he told me. So when some of the travelers took Ernesto for a priest, we didn’t say anything. It seems teachers and priests are the only outsiders who are greeted without suspicion in those parts.

After eight hours, we finally reached our destination: the municipal capital of Guadalupe y Calvo. From there we planned to tour the surrounding villages—although that is a manner of speaking, because on the bumpy tracks that link these hamlets it takes five or six hours to get anywhere. We met up with Chava, a local official who would be our guide and friend in this world we knew so little of. It was impossible not to be moved by the majestic beauty of the place, and the tragedy of its inhabitants. They were five unforgettable days.

As a journalist I had come to investigate the story of child exploitation in the area, where minors are put often to work by their parents on the poppy and marijuana harvests. These are kids who become criminals without even realizing it. Many, from the age of seven upwards, die of poisoning by the pesticides used on the plantations. Those who survive into adolescence are already carrying AK-47s, or “goat’s horns” as these weapons are popularly known.

We entered this mountain world along its narrow dirt tracks and cattle trails, learning of its customs, dreams, and legends, as well as its poverty. We visited remote places like Baborigame, Dolores, El Saucito de Araujo, and Mesa del Frijol, where more than 80 percent of the population grow drug crops. In these communities, long forgotten by federal or state social programs, you nonetheless see four-wheel-drive Cadillac Escalades, satellite dishes, and men with walkie-talkies and a pistol in their belt.

Here I met Father Martín, a Peruvian priest with a dark, glossy complexion, an extraordinary sense of humor and a great heart, who had chosen to stay in Guadalupe y Calvo rather than accept a transfer to the safety of El Paso, Texas. He carried out his pastoral work with matchless energy, even if his sermons against the wrong kind of seeds fell on deaf ears. Talking to him helped me to understand the human dimension of the problem, as opposed to the perspective of military and police operations.

People have been doing this for decades. They don’t know any other way of life, and no one has shown them an alternative. No doubt in these humid ravines you could grow guava, papaya, or other fruits, but the lack of decent roads makes it impossible to transport such produce. To make matters worse, residents say some places here, like Baborigame, didn’t get electricity until 2001. Many illegal plantations have been supported by the Mexican and US governments. But the authorities don’t understand that being nurtured here are not just drug crops, but future drug traffickers. Kids don’t want to be firemen or doctors when they grow up; they want to become drug barons. That’s the only measure of success they know.

Stories abound of El Chapo roaming the streets of Guadalupe y Calvo, flanked by bodyguards dressed in black. People have embraced the myth of the generous godfather figure, the sponsor of baptisms, first communions, and weddings.

I climbed to the top of Mohinora, in the south of the Tarahumara range. At 3,307 meters, it’s the highest peak in Chihuahua. Below, in season, you can see the green valley flooded with red poppies. Its beauty is enough to make you cry—and so are the consequences of this trade. I had gone to research a story about child labor, but I came back with much more: the knowledge of a way of life which for these people is as necessary as the blood that runs in their veins—and that now increasingly runs in the streets.

At the end of 2005, the lawyer Eduardo Sahagún called me at the Mexico City offices of La Revista, the magazine of El Universal, the newspaper where I was working. He wanted to know if I’d be interested in the story of a client of his, Luis Francisco Fernández Ruiz, the former assistant warden of the Puente Grande maximum security prison, in the state of Jalisco. Fernández wanted to talk to me about his case. He was being tried along with sixty-seven other public employees who had been working at Puente Grande’s Federal Center for Social Rehabilitation Number 2 on the night of January 19, 2001, the night El Chapo Guzmán went missing from the prison. They were all accused of taking bribes and facilitating El Chapo’s escape. Fernández had already spent nearly five years in jail, and he still hadn’t been sentenced. “The state prosecutor’s office has always refused an on-the-spot inspection and a reconstruction of the escape, to establish how El Chapo got away and who was responsible,” the lawyertoldme.All I’d heard about the affair were the Hollywoodesque stories circulating afterwards, of how the drug baron had fled in a laundry cart. This improbable version of events was repeated so often in the domestic and international media that it had become an unquestionable truth; the same thing happened with many other stories of Mexico’s drug trade.

I finally met Fernández in the visiting rooms of Mexico City’s Reclusorio Oriente detention center. It was a short encounter, during which he expounded his innocence. The former assistant warden of Puente Grande told me of his dealings with the drug baron, and gave me his impressions of the man: “He was introverted, with a serious, withdrawn manner, not at all overbearing or rude, and he was intelligent, very intelligent.” There was no admiration in Fernández’s words, but a certain respect for the drug trafficker, who was in his custody from 1999 until the day he was sprung from Puente Grande.

“After the alarm was raised following the escape, the Federal Police took control of the prison, we were all shut into the hall, and armed personnel in balaclavas moved in,” recalled Fernández. Two years later this fact would prove crucial.

Soon after I published my interview with Luis Fernández in La Revista, he won his appeal and was released. Today there is almost no one still behind bars for what the authorities call “El Chapo’s escape.” Even the warden of the maximum security prison, Leonardo Beltrán Santana, whose path I crossed a couple of times in the VIP dormitory of the Reclusorio Oriente, was freed in 2010.

In May 2006, at the Nikko Hotel in Mexico City, I met a DEA agent who confirmed my growing conviction that Joaquín Guzmán and the drug trade were essential to understanding a key aspect of corruption in Mexico, perhaps the most important aspect of all: the one that involves top government figures putting prices on the country’s millions of inhabitants, as if they were head of cattle.

According to this agent, DEA informers infiltrated into the organization of drug lord Ignacio Coronel Villarreal had told him that El Chapo Guzmán left Puente Grande penitentiary after paying a multimillion-dollar bribe to the family of President Vicente Fox, of the National Action Party (PAN). And that the deal included systematic protection by the federal government of him and his group, the all-powerful Pacific cartel. Fox is now a leading advocate for the legalization of not only the consumption, but also the production, distribution, and sale of every class of drug.

***

I read avidly the thousands of pages of evidence in the case of “El Chapo’s escape.” Through the dozens of statements given by cooks, laundry workers, inmates, detention officers, and prison police commanders that make up the proceedings of penal case 16/2001, I learned of Guzmán’s passion for painting landscapes, how much he missed his mother, his “romantic” side, his brutality as a rapist, his need for Viagra, his taste for candy and volleyball, but above all his infinite capacity to corrupt everyone and everything in his path. Similarly, hundreds of sheets of official documents allowed me to confirm that in 2001 El Chapo did not escape from Puente Grande in that famous laundry cart: instead, high-ranking officials took him out, disguised as a policeman.

I also obtained recently declassified CIA and DEA documents on the Iran-Contra affair—something nobody seems to remember anymore—which is what turned Mexican drug traffickers from humble marijuana and poppy farmers into sophisticated international dealers in cocaine and synthetic drugs. I retrieved files eliminated from the archives of the federal prosecutor’s office, referring to the businessmen who, in the early 1990s, sheltered in their hangars the planes of El Chapo, Amado Carrillo Fuentes, and Héctor El Güero Palma. Today, these eminent entrepreneurs are the owners of hotel chains, hospitals, and newspapers. I found a different account of the air crash that killed the former interior secretary, Juan Camilo Mouriño, on November 4, 2008, which suggests that the crash was not an accident but an act of revenge by drug barons for agreements not kept.

In similar fashion, I discovered the identity of the businessmen who appear as the owners of a company supposedly run by Ismael El Mayo Zambada, which operates out of a hangar in Mexico City International Airport and transports drugs and money, with both the knowledge and consent of the Communications and Transport Secretariat and the airport administration.

The story of how Joaquín Guzmán Loera became a great drug baron, the king of betrayal and bribery, and the boss of top Federal Police commanders, is intimately linked to a process of decay in Mexico where two factors are constant: corruption, and an unbridled ambition for money and power.

Semi-illiterate peasants like El Príncipe, Don Neto, El Azul, El Mayo, and El Chapo would not have got far without the collusion of businessmen, politicians, and policemen, and all those who exercise everyday power from behind a false halo of legality. We see their faces all the time, not in the mug shots of most wanted felons put out by the Attorney General’s Office, but in the front page stories, business sections, and society columns of the main papers. All these are the true godfathers of Narcoland, the true lords of the drug world.

Often the protection given to drug barons continues until they commit a major blunder, are ratted out by others anxious to take their place, or simply cease to be useful for business. Now there also exists the option of voluntary retirement, like that taken by Nacho Coronel or Edgar Valdez, La Barbie. There will always be substitute candidates for support to continue the criminal enterprise. Many have seen their time come in this way: Ernesto Fonseca Carrillo, Rafael Caro Quintero, Miguel Ángel Félix Gallardo, Amado Carrillo Fuentes. Joaquín Guzmán Loera alone will quit when he feels like it, not when the authorities choose. Some say he is already preparing his exit.

The current war on drugs, launched by the government of Felipe Calderón, is just as fake as that undertaken by the administration of Vicente Fox. In both cases, the “strategy” has been limited to protecting the Sinaloa cartel. The continuity of such protection has been underwritten by the shady police chief and Calderón’s secretary of public security, Genaro García Luna, and his team of collaborators: the previously unpublished documents presented here are irrefutable proof of this. García Luna is the man who aimed to become, with Calderón’s support, the single head of all the country’s police forces. He has even stated, with complete impunity, that there is no option but to let El Chapo operate freely and “bring to heel” the other criminal organizations, since it would be easier for the government to negotiate with just one cartel, rather than five. The bloody results of war between opposing cartels we know only too well.

Currently, all the old rules governing relations between the drug barons and the centers of economic and political power have broken down. The drug traffickers impose their own law. The businessmen who launder their money are their partners, while local and federal officials are viewed as employees to be paid off in advance, for example by financing their political campaigns. The culture of terror encouraged by the federal government itself, as well as by the criminal gangs through their grotesque violence, produces a paralyzing fear at all levels of society. [...] They have tried to convince us that the drug barons and their cronies are immovable and untouchable. [But] as citizens or as journalists, we must never allow the state and the authorities to give up on their duty to provide security, and simply hand the country over to an outlaw network made up of drug traffickers, businessmen, and politicians, allowing them to impose on all Mexicans their intolerable law of “silver or lead.” Pay up or die.

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War on Drugs: Stained Forever By the Blood of Their Parents

Below are a few photos of an attack on a family (June, 2010), who was traveling on the Casas Grandes Highway (the interstate highway that connects the state of Chihuahua to the West coast of Mexico) by award winning photographer Javier Manzano

As Manzano pulled up to the scene both of the rear side windows of the vehicle had been shot in. Inside the car, a 3-year old girl was holding the hand of her fatally wounded mother, and standing outside the car, the girl’s 4-year old brother, stained with the blood of his parents looked toward the highway. The assailants took the children’s father. It took an hour for the ambulance to arrive and the mother died en route to the hospital. Soon after, the decapitated body and head of the children’s father was found 20 kilometers down the road.

4-year old boy stares off into the highway as soldiers stand guard next to the
vehicle where the boy and his family were driving a few minutes earlier.

3-year old girl holds the hand of her mother as they wait for the ambulance. 
The mother died en-route to the hospital

The 4-year old boy and 3-year old girl look on as the ambulance takes their mother away.

The head of 32-year-old Mario Alberto Iglesias, the father to the two young children
and husband of Maria de Jesus was located on the 70km marker of the same highway in
which the initial attack was reported.

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The Genocidal Results of the War on Drugs for Unimaginable Profits.

Many people think that genocide means the complete extermination of a race or people. The Genocide Convention, however, adopted by the General Assembly of the United Nations on December 9, 1948, defines genocide as not only “killing members of the group,” but also, “causing serious bodily or mental harm to members of the group.” Hence, from the results we've seen--only the tip of the iceberg--it can be ascertained that the "War on Drugs" is an international effort to destroy what the global power elites deem as "undesirable" elements.  If the poor person--usually of color--is not murdered, he's sent to prison on possession charges, therefore, ruined...his ability to make a living from that point on  rendered practically impossible.

The American War on Drugs, as well as the Mexican War on Drugs, and all other wars-on-drugs have been waged almost exclusively in poor communities of color--according to the justice department, white people are 5 times more likely to be found with drugs but black are 10 times more likely to go to jail-- even though people of all colors and economic status use and sell illegal drugs. Rather than eradicating drugs, the narco-economy has grown so powerful that human lives are often considered the price of doing business.

Nevertheless, we're led to believe that the evils that haunt the oppressed in America, and everywhere else, are the fault of the oppressed. Nothing can be further from the truth. If you dig deep enough--beyond the commercial media--you will find hard evidence that shows the governments of the U.S. and Europe, through various agencies, like that of intelligence agencies, no doubt, provide direct and indirect support for the drug cartels, not to mention other oppressive mechanisms (prison industrial complex). 

But the government(s) certainly put on a good show in an effort to act as if they're not part of this huge criminal enterprise. For instance, today, the US is supposedly outraged over the release, "from prison of Mexican drug lord Rafael Caro Quintero and vowed to continue efforts to bring to justice the man who ordered the killing of a U.S. Drug Enforcement Administration agent." However, the US government’s complicity in Caro Quintero’s narco-trafficking business, and, even in the Camarena’s gruesome murder, is ignored.

In 1985, Mexico’s intelligence service, the Federal Security Directorate, or DFS in its Spanish initials and the CIA were not only working in unison according to Charles Bowden who wrote the book, Down by the River: Drugs, Money, Murder, and Family , but were in league with Mexico’s narco-traffickers. The DFS was disbanded in 1985, and integrated into Mexico’s version of the CIA, called CISEN (Spanish initials). CISEN still works in unison with US agencies and officials, including the CIA.

“Camarena brushes off Jordan’s alarm by noting that DFS is trained by the CIA and is functionally a unit in their mysterious work. And he says they are also functionally “the eyes and ears of the cartels.”

See 1991 letter from Gary Hart to U.S. Sen. John Kerry.

“In March of 1983, Plumlee contacted my Denver Senate Office and met with Mr. Bill Holen of my Senate Staff. During the initial meeting, Mr. Plumlee raised certain allegations concerning U.S. foreign and military policy toward Nicaragua and the use of covert activities by U.S. Intelligence agencies.

… Mr. Plumlee also stated that Mexico, Costa Rica, Guatemala and El Salvador were providing U.S. military personnel access to secret landing field and various staging areas scattered throughout Central America.

He specifically cited the Mexican government’s direct knowledge of illegal arms shipments and narcotic smuggling activities that were taking place out of a civilian ranch in the Veracruz area which were under the control and sponsorship of Rafael Caro-Quintero and the Luis Jorge Ochoa branch of the Medellin Escobar Cartel.

… Mr. Plumlee raised several issues including that covert U.S. intelligence agencies were directly involved in the smuggling and distribution of drugs to raise funds for covert military operations against the government of Nicaragua. …

More recently, just last year HSBC Bank was caught red-handed laundering billions of dollars for multiple Mexican drug cartels. What happened? Eric Holder declined to prosecute. In fact, HSBC was let off the hook entirely until someone in the media caught wind of the story. In the end, HSBC settled for what amounted to a minor fine. Wachovia Bank, now Wells Fargo, is another recent example of an institution caught red handed laundering untold millions of drug profits. Once again, the tip of the iceberg because most of these illustrious institutions do not get caught.

“Wachovia’s blatant disregard for our banking laws gave international cocaine cartels a virtual carte blanche to finance their operations,” as tens of thousands of Mexicans were killed in an exponentially violent drug war.

In a nutshell, no jail time for these organized criminals at the top of the food chain who brought down the world economy, only, secret bailouts, which Wells Fargo received, $159 Billion, in 2010, revealed when the Fed was partially audited and that was one of the smaller bailouts. If that doesn't tell you whose side the government's on, nothing will.

Visit the narcosphere. It reports real information about the drug wars.



Links:

Civil Rights Congress, We Charge Genocide:  The Historic Petition to the United Nations for Relief From a Crime of The United States Government Against the Negro People (New York: Civil Rights Congress, 1951), pp xi-xiii, 3-10.

More Fast and Furious Guns Surface at Crimes in Mexico

Ex-Border Patrol Agents Warn: Politicians Helping Cartels in U.S.

“Transnational criminal enterprises have annually invested millions of dollars to create and staff international drug and human smuggling networks inside the United States; thus it is no surprise that they continue to accelerate their efforts to get trusted representatives in place as a means to guarantee continued success,” the Border Patrol agents wrote.

Read more...

It's "Always Nigger Season" Even When the President is Black

Or I might add especially when the President is black. At least when 'W' did something horribly  racist and criminal, as he often did, there were loud voices protesting  in opposition. But when Obama does the same thing, it’s considered good leadership. President Obama received 95% of the black vote. In return, African Americans received a check that came back stamped: insufficient funds. He tells African Americans to stop whining and pull themselves up by their own bootstraps while his actions set these same people up to fail and keep them trapped by his support of legislation--specifically, in this case, by actively trying to maintain racially discriminatory prison sentences--that further empowers and emboldens the New Jim Crow Lulled to sleep by the rhetoric of color-blindness and the appearance of great racial progress, most of us are blind this new form, or should I say, formless invisible institutional racism.

In UNITED STATES OF AMERICA v. CORNELIUS DEMORRIS BLEWETT (12-5226) and JARREOUS JAMONE BLEWITT (12-5582),, "a crack cocaine case brought by two currently incarcerated defendants seeking retroactive relief from racially discriminatory mandatory minimum sentences imposed on them in 2005," President Obama quietly tried to enforce racially biased federal crack cocaine laws that have since been repealed" by the  2010 Fair Sentencing Act. The Obama administration asked a federal appeals court to make sure thousands of people--almost all of them poor and most of them black--remain locked in prison despite a total lack of justification.

Crack cocaine and powder cocaine are "pharmacologically identical," the only difference being who consumes these pharmacologically identical substances: crack cocaine, the drug of mostly poor black folk, and powder cocaine, the drug of wealthier white folk. To be sure, young African American males are the most disposable, yet at the same time, profitable--for the for-profit prison industry--demographic in this prison nation. Not only do the private prisons prosper, corporations can put these people to work for a few cents an hour, not to mention, these human-beings are excluded from poverty statistics and unemployment data thus masking the severity of issues more than they already are.

Although Black people make up only 34% of crack users, they are 85% of those convicted on crack charges. As early as 2011, 30,000 people were serving time for crack charges in federal prison, 85% of them Black.

“…persistent bias occurred with respect to the contemporary enforcement of drug laws where, in the 1990s and early 2000s, blacks constituted a minority of regular users of crack cocaine but more than 80 percent of crack defendants.” -- Harvard Professor William J. Stuntz

As legal scholar Michelle Alexander argues, "we have not ended racial caste in America; we have merely redesigned it." One such strategy is through targeting black men and women (often mothers) through the "War on Drugs," decimating communities of color.

“There are more African American adults under correctional  control today, in prison or jail, on probation or parole, than were enslaved in 1850, a decade before the Civil War began. As of 2004, more black men were disenfranchised than in 1870, the year the 15th amendment was ratified explicitly prohibiting laws that deny the right to vote on the basis or race....During the Jim Crow era, poll taxes and literacy tests, circumvented the 15th amendment and operated to deny African Americans the right to vote. A black child born today has less of a chance of being raised by both parents than a black child born during slavery. This is due in large part to the mass incarceration of black men....The mass incarceration of black men take them out of the dating pool at the years they would be most likely to commit to a partner, to a family.  But, what's worse is that by branding them criminals and felons at early ages, often before they're even old enough to vote, they're rendered permanently unemployable in the legal job market, virtually guaranteeing that most will cycle in and out of prison, sometimes, for the rest of their lives. 
[...]
Today, in many states, felon disenfranchisement laws accomplish what poll taxes and literacy tests ultimately could not. This does not effect some small segment of the African American community. To the contrary, in many large urban areas, more than half of working age African American men now have criminal records and thus subject to legalized discrimination for the rest of their lives. In some cities--Baltimore, Philadelphia, Chicago (80%), DC--the statistics are far worse." -- Michelle Anderson, highly acclaimed civil rights lawyer, advocate, and Associate Professor of Law at Ohio State

The incarceration rate has quintupled over the last 30 years, from a prison population of 300,000 in the early 1970s to well over 2 million! During this same period of time that the incarceration rates increased exponentially, crime rates have fluctuated, leading most sociologists and criminologists to admit that incarceration rates and crime rates have moved independently of one another.

So for now the grant of en banc review puts Blewett relief for Sixth Circuit prisoners on hold. Why?  Is  the Department of Justice afraid of re-hearing thousands of old cases?  If so, can't President Obama just commute all of the pre-Fair-Sentencing-Act minimums to their equivalent minimums under the new law? Or is the reason for en banc review far more nefarious?

Links:

How the mass incarceration of black men harms black women.


Race to Incarcerate: A Graphic Retelling by Sabrina Jones and Marc Mauer

Stop the Drug War

Read more...

Deadliest War of 21st Century Is Being Waged Right on Top of Us.

Update:

Smuggling and Trafficking Routes Into and Through Texas

At the end of 2012, the reported number of Mexican citizens violently murdered was estimated much higher than the mainstream media stated, the real death rate is between 120,000 - 130,000.  However, in truth, the Mexican government doesn't really know, so it could be twice that number. To be sure, it's not less as governments, if anything, under report such statistics for the simple reason it does not reflect well.

Moreover, the cartel's presence in the United States is growing. Especially in Texas where six out of the eight cartels are present according to the Texas Public Safety Threat Overview 2013

“Mexican cartels continue to use gangs in Texas as they smuggle drugs, people, weapons, and cash across the border. [...]

Gangs’ Relationships with Mexican Cartels

(U) One of the most serious issues facing Texas is the fact that many gangs have developed relationships with Mexican cartels. Gangs working with the Mexican cartels are involved in a level of crime that affects the entire state. Their criminal activity is no longer just a problem for a specific city or region. In certain instances, these gangs are contracted to commit assassinations, kidnapping, and assaults in Texas and Mexico on behalf of the cartels.

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47,515 killed in the last 5 years alone from Mexican drug cartel violence, and they are expanding into U.S. cities at an alarming rate, yet, there is no alarm. Gosh, the Mexican drug cartels shot the White House, shattering one of its windows with an AK47, leaving a nice little note telling President Obama, “Aquí está uno de los nuestros, no la suya necesitan.” That is, “Here’s one of ours, we don’t need yours,” yet, all the alarm bells toll for "so-called" terrorists clear across the world.

US cities and towns with Mexican Drug Cartel presence

Alabama
Albertville
Birmingham
Decatur
Dothan
Huntsville
Mobile
Montgomery

Alaska
Anchorage

Arizona
Douglas
Glendale
Naco
Nogales
Peoria
Phoenix
Sasabe
Sierra Vista

Arkansas
Fort Smith
Little Rock

California
Alameda
Calexico
Chula Vista
El Centro
Elk Grove
Escondido
Fresno
Garden Grove
Hacienda Heights
Hayward
Los Angeles
Oakland
Oceanside
Oxnard
Perris
Porterville
Sacramento
San Bernardino
San Diego
San Francisco
San Jose
Santa Ana
Stockton
Temecula
Tulare
Westminster
Yuma

Colorado
Aurora
Colorado Springs
Denver
Fort Collins
Greeley
Pueblo

Connecticut
Hartford

Florida
Fort Lauderdale
Jacksonville
Lakeland
Miami
Orlando
Tampa

Georgia
Atlanta

Hawaii
Hilo
Honolulu
Kona

Idaho
Boise
Caldwell
Idaho Falls
Honolulu
Kona
Nampa
Pocatello
Twin Falls

Illinois
Chicago
East St. Louis
Joliet

Indiana
Fort Wayne
Gary
Indianapolis

Iowa
Des Moines

Kansas
Kansas City
Liberal
Wichita

Kentucky
Lexington
Louisville

Louisiana
Baton Rouge
Lafayette
New Orleans
Shreveport

Maryland
Baltimore
Greenbelt

Massachusetts
Boston
Fitchburg

Michigan
Detroit
Kalamazoo

Minnesota
Minneapolis
St. Cloud

Mississippi
Hattiesburg
Jackson

Missouri
Kansas City

Montana
Billings
Helena

Nebraska
Omaha

Nevada
Carson
Las Vegas
Reno

New Hampshire
Greenville

New Jersey
Atlantic City
Camden
Newark

New Mexico
Albuquerque
Columbus
Deming
Las Cruces

New York
Albany
Buffalo
New York


North Carolina
Burlington
Charlotte
Durham
Greensboro
Hendersonville
Raleigh
Wilson
Winston-Salem

Ohio
Akron
Canton
Cincinnati
Cleveland
Dayton
Hamilton
Toledo
Youngstown


Oklahoma
Oklahoma City
Ponca City
Tulsa

Oregon
Eugene
Medford
Portland
Roseburg
Salem

Pennsylvania
Philadelphia
Pittsburgh

Rhode Island
Providence

South Carolina
Charleston
Florence
Greenville
Myrtle Beach

South Dakota
Sioux Falls

Tennessee
Knoxville
Memphis
Nashville

Texas
Alpine
Amarillo
Beaumont
Big Spring
Brownsville
Corpus Christi
Dallas
Del Rio
Edinburg
Eagle Pass
El Paso
Fabens
Fort Hancock
Fort Stockton
Fort Worth
Hidalgo
Houston
Laredo
Lubbock
McAllen
Midland
Midway
Odessa
Pecos
Presidio
Rio Grande City
Roma
San Antonio
Tyler
Waco

Utah
Ogden
Olathe
Provo
Salt Lake City
St. George

Virginia
Arlington
Galax
Richmond

Washington
Auburn
Bellingham
Centralia
Ephrata
Everett
Federal Way
Ferndale
Goldendale
Milton
Monroe
Olympia
Port Angeles
Renton
Richland
Seattle
Selah
Shelton
Spokane
Sultan
Sunnyside
Tacoma
Voppenish
Vancouver
Yakima

Wisconsin
Milwaukee
Sheboygan

Wyoming
Casper
Cheyenne
Rock Springs

Related Links:

Expert Says Beheadings in U.S. Look Like Work of Cartels

Three beheadings in two different states and they happened here in the United States, not Mexico.

Former DEA supervisor Phil Jordan says all three beheadings have cartel written all over them. They happened in Arizona and Oklahoma in the past year.

A murder mystery is now unraveling on a stretch of North Reservation Road in Tucson, Ariz. County workers found a headless man lying on the side of the road Jan. 6. The man's hands and feet were reportedly missing, too.

"It would lead me to believe the message wanted to be sent. This is one of the ways they do it in Mexico, Colombia and other places," says Jordan.

Jordan says the cartels are getting bolder in carrying out their beheadings across the border. He says we only used to see these crimes in Mexico.

"They don't have any borders," says Jordan.

More than 600 miles from the border, a 19-year-old human trafficking victim was found beheaded in Oklahoma. Carina Saunders was stuffed into a bag and left in a grocery store parking lot.

"People know if they get on the wrong side of the fence, they'll be dealt with," says Jordan.

The police chief in the area says two men running the trafficking ring killed Saunders to send a message to the other victims. Jordan says the cartels' calling card is all over this case. Trafficking and smuggling are their top moneymakers. Revenge is the price of doing business.

"Definitely a cartel hit," says Jordan.

Investigators in Chandler, Ariz., say cartel operatives came from Mexico to kill 38-year-old Martin Alejandro Cota Monroy. His beheaded body was found in his apartment.

"One is too many; two is too many. Three should send an alarm," says Jordan.

He says investigators were too late to stop the killings three times in the last 12 months. Jordan says agents are trying to develop more informants to get to the cartels before they can commit the crimes. He says the cartels will only specifically target their victims and aren't interested in random beheadings.

Mexican hit men stalk U.S.

Cartels use legitimate trade to launder money, U.S., Mexico say Essentially, it boils down to drug cartels laundering money under NAFTA.

US Agents help launder millions for Mexican Drug Cartels

2011 National Drug Threat Assessment U.S. Department of Justice National Drug Intelligence Center 

The Economic Impact of Illicit Drug Use on American Society U.S. Department of Justice National Drug Intelligence Center

Read more...

Counter Intelligence and the Deep State

The deep state can be defined as the secret structure that steers defense and foreign policy behind the facade of democracy. It’s.all of the ways the affluent—private wealth--influence policy, placing themselves above the law. The deep state in America is more complicated than it is in other countries. It is the complex of power exerted off camera by people who are not elected, who are not part of the Constitution or the bureauocracy, but who have real power and assert themselves in American politics.


Counter-Intelligence: II - The Deep State from S DN on Vimeo.

Some highlights:

War on Drugs:

Wherever you declare a war on drugs, you get more drugs, not less drugs.

In Columbia, ten years after President Bush declared a war on drugs,  the amount of cocaine production increased more than three times the amount before his declaration.

A US Senate staff report has estimated that $500 billion to $1 trillion in criminal proceeds are laundered through banks worldwide each year, with about half of that amount moved through US banks.

The London Independent reported in 2004 that drug trafficking constitutes ‘the third biggest global commodity in cash terms after oil and the arms trade’.

According to US Justice Department records obtained by the Guardian, one bank alone, Wachovia, which is now part of Wells Fargo, laundered $383 billion drug dollars between May 2004 and May 2007

The “crime” of drug possession accounts for one in four persons imprisoned in the US. According to some estimates, drugs and/or drug related crimes account for over half of all criminal offenses.

Today, a marijuana smoker is arrested every 38 seconds. More people are arrested for marijuana possession than for all violent crime combined.

Prison profit

It’s no secret that the US has the highest incarceration rate in the world. With only 5% of the global population, the US holds one quarter of the world’s prisoners. The expanding prison industrial complex, which has grown 350% over the last 15 years, has a vested interest in keeping people locked up.  This complex has been lobbying Congress hard to pass legislation that would imprison more people. Yes, the true criminals are pushing for the criminalization of very minor behavior, most of it, victimless.

Wells Fargo, who received $37 million in bailout money—that we know about-- is the main investor in four private prisons.

The Octopus:

Danny Casolaro called it "the Octopus", a vast, interlocking network of criminal conspiracy that reaches into every branch and agency of the U.S. government, According to Casolero, the Iran-Contra affair, Iran hostage crisis, and all funds channeled through BCCI, charged with everything from money laundering to fraud has a common thread: PROMIS (Prosecutor's Management Information System) and the Inslaw affair, when a court ruled the Reagan justice department stole valuable law enforcement software from the Inslaw corporation.

Cosolaro’s theory is that righ-winged zealots sold the software for profit. The money went to Iranian officials who supposedly delayed the release of Iranian hostages back in 1981, the so-called October surprise and later went to the back training funding of the contras.

Just days before his death, Casolaro told friends he was close to breaking the story that consumed him the past year: the political conspiracy of the century that implicated US justice offcials.  All of the Casolaro’s papers and documents disappeared.

Mafia

September 10 1931 - On orders of Charles Luciano and Frank Costello, boss of all bosses Salvatore Maranzano is murdered in his headquarters on Park Avenue in Manhattan by gangsters disguised as police officers. That same day, several of Maranzano's lieutenants, including James Marino, are killed by unknown gunmen including outside a Bronx neighborhood barbershop. The bodies of Maranzano allies Samuel Monaco and Louis Russo would later be recovered from Newark Bay; both corpses would show signs of torture. These events may or may not have been the basis for the beginning of the alleged "Night of the Sicilian Vespers" in which many old world Sicilian-born mafiosi are killed throughout the country by the Luciano-Lansky faction in the aftermath of the Castellammarese War.

In 1942, US Naval intelligence made deals with Luciano to protect the docks from German saboteurs since the mob was in control of the labor on the docks. In turn, the mafia was assisted by Patton who got the foothold in Italy by coming up into the mountains instead of going down into the cities  You see, since Mussolini regarded the mafia as a rival, and had broken up crime syndicates and executed mob bosses, he was no friend of the mob. The cities were controlled by Mussolin who chased the old mob up into the hills, so Patton approached through the mountains, bringing with him a scarf with LL Lucky Luciano as a symbol to Don Calogero Vizzini who was a head of the Italian mob. They rode through the towns who wanted revenge against Mussolini. Then they released hit men from the prisons and replaced those in political offices throughout Siciily .

The link between intelligence and mafia didn’t end there.

On November 21, 1993, 60 Minutes revealed the government was involved in running drugs. The CIA had joined the Venezuelan National guard in drug smuggling: a  ton of pure cocaine worth millions of dollars. Moreover, for more than 30 years, the federal government had been protecting drug dealers.

Thomas Drake, Bradley Manning, Jeffrey Sterling, Shamai Leibowitz, Stephen Jin Woo-Kim, James F. Hitselberger, and John Kiriakou were all charged under the Espionage Act during the Obama administration in its first term.

Read more...

Exiled Former Black Panther Assata Shakur’s Elevation to Number One Domestic Terrorist on the FBI List?

One must ask the question, why--especially in light of COINTELPRO repression, the FBI's counterintelligence program's effect on black leadership and their terrorism in the black community--since 2005, did the FBI double the $1 million bounty on exiled former Black Panther Assata Shakur’s head, naming her the number one domestic terrorist? Assata's a 60+ year old grandmother and this event--the killing of New Jersey officer--occurred forty years ago! Why, so many years later, are they putting former political activist, Assata Shakur in the limelight?  Why are they bringing this old issue back into the public eye?

And then, the mysterious death of Malcolm X's 28-year old grandson, Malcolm Shabazz in Mexico, where he was to meet with labor organizers, and who, much like his grandfather, was outspoken about the mistreatment of African Americans in the US. and who, much like his grandfather, has been maligned in the press, in the grandson's case, for his troubled past, in particular, an unfortunate incident that he was, indeed, responsible for when he was 12-years old, but an incident that he already paid the price.  Moreover, like his grandfather, he was constantly monitored by the U.S. government.  Back in February, Shabazz was arrested by the FBI on unknown charges while en route to Iran to attend the Hollywoodism International Conference. Shabazz released a lengthy statement via former U.S. Representative Cynthia McKinney's Facebook page back in March addressing the arrest and stating that federal agents were not involved.

I sincerely appreciate the care and concern of the People over my well-being after Press TV’s report of the most recent events which have transpired regarding the F.B.I.’s harassment of me.

Given the storm of lies, and half-truths that come with being associated with being the descendant of El Hajj Malik el Shabazz, also known as Minister Malcolm X, any and everything that I do; great or small, good or not so good, real or imagined is subject to controversy. However, in this missive I will take this opportunity to properly and fully disclose what transpired.

In the beginning of 2012 I had been informed that I was under investigation by the F.B.I.’s Counter Terrorism Task Force Unit located in Goshen, N.Y.

The agents of this division-and in collaboration with others-have visited several residences of which I was known by them to frequent. However, they would never come when they knew me to actually be there. They would leave their cards with the residents asking them to tell me to call them, and then would tell surrounding residents to observe the house and to notify them if they saw me.

These are the homes of long-time friends, and very close supporters. Yet, when federal agents begin knocking on someone’s door on multiple occasions to snoop, and ask questions, whether one is guilty of an offense or not, it’s enough to coerce people into distancing themselves from you. This cheap tactic employed by the F.B.I. is a means of agitation and harassment. They seek to neutralize my networking abilities.

They have visited locations in California, Chicago, Miami and most aggressively in New York.

People were advising me that if I had nothing to hide, then I should just contact them as requested and cooperate. Though I must say that in these kind of matters I am of a particular ethic. For one, I have been engaged in no criminal activity of their concern, and they could have located me if they so chose. Secondly, I don’t recognize the authority in them beckoning me.

It wasn’t even until my mother informed me that they had been contacting her that I truly became agitated. She advised me to see what they had to say, and so I obliged the next time they came around looking for me. My encounter was with 2 federal agents of Goshen, N.Y.’s Counter Terrorism Task Foci Unit. The primary agent identified himself as Special Agent Tom Brozicky.

They expressed concern over-as they put it-my “international travels”; I have lived and studied in Damascus, Syria for over a year, and now the U.S. is instigating conflict within the very same region; I went on ex-congresswoman/former presidential candidate Cynthia Mckinney’s delegation along with Dr. Randy Short to Libya, and met with Leader Muammar Gadhafi one week prior to N.A.T.O. intervention and I was most recently getting ready to travel to Tehran, Iran to be a participant of the International Fajr Film Festival and give a lecture addressing the issues of Hollywood and violence:

- Modern Violence and Terrorism,
- Provoking clashes between religions and populations

I was picked up by authorities after I filed for a visa to Iran, and 2 days prior to my departure. A detective squad from the City of Middletown Police Department surrounded me in the street about 2 blocks from where I was residing. They asked me my name, and I gave them an alias, but they were already well aware of who I actually was. I didn’t tell them my real name because I didn’t know what was going on. When I was brought before a Judge of City of Middletown court I was surprised to be informed that I was being charged with Grand Larceny, and False Impersonation charge. Then I was sent to jail, and told to appear again 7 days later. Then following court date the bogus charge of Grand Larceny, which they only put to justify stopping me in first place, was dropped. And they left me to face the False Impersonation. I was offered 90 days for the offense of giving the authorities the wrong name which I declined before bailing out after 2 weeks.

When I was being held within the belly of the beast on trumped up charges, to my rescue came the journalist at Press TV based in Iran. My relationship with powerful and progressive news outfit began in April of 2012, and prior to that I had discussions with their journalist regarding current events internationally. I developed a positive rapport with some of them, and as a result was invited to travel to Iran to discuss the impact of Hollywood in stereotyping Muslims, Iranians and African people. From January 15th through 18th, 2013, I was a featured interviewee for the Press TV documentary “The Façade of the American Dream”. And prior to my date of departure to Iran, Lifetime television released a television bio-picture called “Betty and Coretta” which was a sensationalistic misrepresentation of my grandparents, my mother and me. This film aside from being poorly acted, and shallow in depth also threatened to inflame old controversies, and open unhealed wounds and to remind the public of sad outcomes without ever identifying B.O.S.S.I., the C.I.A., F.B.I. and other forces that set the climate for my grandfather’s assassination, and made my family a long-suffering casualty of COINTELPRO, and other anti-Black repression programs. Naturally, anything done to stir up old hatred of The Shabazz Family will impact me as the name-sake, and first male heir of Malcolm X, and whether I am high or low in fortunes does not exempt me from this reality.

The formula for a public assassination is: the character assassination before the physical assassination; so one has to be made killable before the eyes of the public in order for their eventual murder to then deemed justifiable. And when the time arrives for these hits to be carried out you’re not going to see a C.I.A. agent with a suit and tie, and a badge that says “C.I.A.” walk up to someone, and pull the trigger. What they will do is to out-source to local police departments in the region of their target, and to employ those that look like the target of interest to infiltrate the workings in order to set up the environment for the eventual assassination (character, physical/incarceration, exile) to take place.

For several months prior to my arrest in late January, 2013 I faced a pattern of harassment from law enforcement which is usually reserved for important figures. On Thursday, November 1, 2012 @ 11:53pm in the park circle area of Middletown, N.Y. I was stopped by officers of the Middletown Police Department, and given a ticket for “J-Walking” (crossing in the middle of the street), which then escalated into a “Disorderly Conduct” supposedly because of the exchange of words that I had with the officers. I told them that they couldn’t possibly be serious for writing me a “J-Walking ticket”, that I didn’t appreciate how they were treating me and that they

shouldn’t be looking at me as less of a man because they were in police uniform. For this I was arrested, the officers stole the little amount of money that I had on me, they then stripped me and threw me in a freezing precinct cell for the remainder of that early morning. I was finally taken before the “Judge Steven Brockett” around 1:30pm. He gave me an unreasonable bail, and then ordered that I be remanded to the Orange county Jail.

This penalty may seem a bit extreme or harsh to most of you, but here is where it gets worse: On Tuesday, October 30th, exactly 2 nights prior to this incident, the same officer “J Berman” who wrote me the ticket for “J-Walking” and “Disorderly Conduct” stopped me coming from out of a store in the same area, and questioned me as to what I was doing.

I told him that I was coming out of the store. He asked to see what I bought which was a pack of sun flower seeds. I had actually just so happened to be eating a few while he was talking to me, and I spit one of the shells on the ground. At this point officer “J Berman” threatened to write me a ticket for littering. Needless to say, I was dumbfounded, but I went home that night.

Yet, it still doesn’t even begin there. I had an encounter with other officers of the Midletown Police Department one week prior to officer “J Berman’s” threats to write me a ticket for spitting a sun flower seed on the ground: I was coming out of a restaurant with my mother, and her friend. As the 3 of us entered the car to leave 2 police cars converged on our vehicle, and boxed us in. My mother was petrified. With guns drawn I was then ordered to step out of the back seat. I asked them why to which they replied that I had several warrants for my arrest. I told them that they were mistaken, but I still complied with their request. Humiliated in front of all on-lookers I was then thrown on the car while the officers ripped through my pockets. After they were done they said that it was my lucky day because I actually didn’t have any warrants at all, and so I was free to go! One of these officer’s name was “R. Ribeiro”…

You may wonder if it could possibly get any worse than this. Well, it does! Approximately 3 weeks prior to the public humiliation of my mother, and me by “R Ribeiro” and another officer of the Middletown Police Department I found myself subject to the discrimination and prejudice of Mayor Joseph M. Destefano of Middletown, N.Y. himself. A friend, and I went out to eat at a restaurant in Middletown, N.Y. which is owned by the Mayor, and to our

surprise he appeared from nowhere and asked us to leave. When we inquired as to why he stated that officials of the Middletown Police Department told him not to let us patronize his establishment. Mind you that this goes without incident.

As I stand for the people, God-Willing, I would pray that the same people wouldn’t hesitate to stand for me. If these unjust and heinous actions are tolerated and allowed to be done to me without recourse, then no one is safe. Just as Huewy P Newton of the Black Panther Party stated that police are in the white community to protect and serve, yet occupy ours like a foreign troop… I tell you that we shouldn’t fall victim to the conditioning of feeling inferior or fearful at the presence of law enforcement for no apparent reason.

With that being said, I was not arrested by federal agents. I was taken in by a squad from the City of Middletown, N.Y.’s Police Department. I was not being held in an “undisclosed location” so to speak. I was actually being held in the Orange County Jail in Goshen, N.Y. However, from the time that I was booked at the precinct, to standing before a Judge the next day who told me to come back in 7 more, to being processed at the Orange County Jail and up until 7 days later I was not permitted to make any calls to notify anyone of my status; as though I had just been kidnapped from of the street.

Unfortunately, until this day my family hasn’t been fully abreast of my situation as I haven’t had the opportunity to properly consult with any of them. Dr. Randy Short who notified Press TV of my situation is a close comrade of mine who was on our delegation in Libya. Media reports from Press TV about my situation were not intended to create controversy. In reality, I have a few associates that are affiliated with this reputable International media outlet, and they had expected to meet with me in Iran. So when I disappeared, and rumors spread, the inability to get concise information from a credible source prompted them to rouse public attention on my behalf, for which I am grateful. In April of 2012 I had the opportunity to be a guest analyst/contributor on Press TV. This network has a large following all over the world, and millions find it’s news, documentaries and programming to be both an educational, and insightful alternative to the conglomerated, and highly biased mainstream American and British news media. Regarding the Source magazine, nothing that they published was vetted by me, and was made by persons, at best, vaguely familiar with my situation. Further, I have never had an affiliation or relationship with The Source, nor have they ever directly consulted with me about anything. -- Malcolm X's 28-year old grandson, Malcolm Shabazz

From Miguel Suarez:

"To who responds, I am Miguel Suarez, leader of a labor movement in the United States and I am accompanied by Malcolm X’s grandson. His name is Malcolm Shabazz and he wanted to see if it is possible to to speak and publish our history in their [publication]…what we saw in Mexico City."[..]He was murdered. He was in Mexico City and I believe they attempted to rob him and he didn’t allow it, so they beat him to death and he died on his way to the hospital,” said Ruiz. “This is all I can confirm, everything else is under investigation for the meantime.”

Regarding the Assata Shakur issue, Dhoruba bin Wahad, former Black Panther and co-founder of the Black Liberation Army claims that domestic law enforcement--FBI, Department of Homeland Security, etc.-- is at odds with Obama. Why?  President Obama's agenda to "reemphasize economic development and economic cooperation" in Latin America, in particular Cuba, and that will require covertly deconstructing the Cuba embargo and to "co-opt and counter the effects of the new so-called leftist geopolitics there".  In order to make this possible, the extraordinarily profitable--to domestic law enforcement--"war on drugs" will have to take a back seat, which probably means a substantial loss of funding.    The US is reasserting dominance in a post Castro-Chavez Latin America as the geo-economic center for Latin American nations.  Dhourba bin Wahad claims that “the recent Jay-Z/Beyonce trip was about opening up Cuba” to U.S. tourism, “to disrupt and undo the Cuban revolution.”  In other words, he believes that Shakur’s elevation to number one domestic terrorist on the FBI list “represents the disgruntlement of U.S. law enforcement” with this  new approach towards Latin America.

There is no doubt that Assata Shakur is a pawn in the chess game of US imperial diplomacy, but this the only explanation? Hardly.

"Assata Shakur could not have been named “most wanted terrorist” without the explicit approval of the first black president and his attorney general. In doing so, they have declared open war on the black liberation movement, something that J. Edgar Hoover and COINTELPRO were only able to do in secret. [snip]

Forty years later though, we live in the era of secret kidnappings, regular torture, ghost prisons and executive branch murder by drones or special ops teams. Today the federal Department of Homeland Security funds counter-terrorism fusion centers which openly disseminate the kind of inflammatory and fanciful disinformation to local police and security contractors about those the government wants targeted that J. Edgar Hoover’s FBI agents had to come around and whisper in their ears. Now that is progress.-- Bruce Dixon

Here's another take:



One thing for sure, putting Assata on the Top 10 Most Wanted Terrorist list will keep Cuba on the state sponsors of terror list, along with Iran, Sudan, and Syria, and somehow, I doubt President Obama objects.

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